Site logo
Site logo
Site logo
Site logo
  • Default
  • Blue
  • Green
  • Red
  • Black
myExtraContent1 (only enabled when style-switcher is on)
myExtraContent2 (only enabled when clock bar is on)
myExtraContent5 (reserved for mega-menu navigation option)
myExtraContent8 (only enabled when header search bar is on)
myExtraContent10 (used for the content of a second sidebar container)


Controversy over Haitian teacher's union leader

Josué Mérilien lors de la conference de presse à l' ENS (Le Nouvelliste)
On October 15, Anthony O'Brien the Secretary of the PSC-CUNY International Committee sent out the following message asking US labor unions to support a tour of Josué Mérilien, a leader of the Haitian teacher's union the National Union of Haitians (UNNOH) :

Dear friends,
Please sign and circulate as widely as possible, especially to organization lists. The Haitian teachers & students under violent attack are drawing solidarity from teachers' and public employees' unions in France, Canada, the U.S., and beyond, but there is also special value in rank-and-file signatures en masse. There is some momentum behind this protest now! The Haitian teacher union leader Josué Mérilien has sent us warm thanks for this solidarity, and will be speaking at campuses in NYC and Boston the last week of October.


in the struggle

Anthony O'Brien
Secretary, PSC-CUNY International Committee
Since then, it has come to light that Merilien is not the supporter of the rights of education and students in Haiti he has made himself out to be. Dave Welsh, a member of the San Francisco Labor Council and the Haiti Action Committee sent the following response that explains:  

A Heads-up and a Word of Caution

Dear Friends in the New York and Boston areas,
I am writing about an email appeal that I received, which originated apparently with the international committee of the Professional Staff Congress-CUNY, a teacher's union at the City University of NY, in New York City, and is being forwarded around, seeking petition signatures and support for a teachers' union in Haiti and its leader, Josué Mérilien. According to the PSC email, Mérilien will come to the U.S. this month on a speaking tour. [The email is reproduced at the end of this letter.]
 Although we certainly oppose violence against teachers and students in Haiti - including in this particular case - things are not always entirely what they seem to be. Let me share with you some information made available from the files of the Haiti Action Committee.
The Haitian teachers' union leader who is getting mileage out of this, Josué Mérilien, was associated during 2003-04 with the Group 184, which orchestrated (along with their US, French and Canadian co-conspirators) the coup d'etat against the majority Lavalas political movement and President Aristide on Feb. 29, 2004. The Group 184 was led by sweatshop owners like Andy Apaid and other members of the Haitian elite, although they had some allies including Mérilien and a handful of other trade union leaders.  
Mérilien and the Group 184 were deeply involved in the destabilization campaign against the Lavalas government in 2003-04 which beat the drums for the removal of Aristide. They supported the 2004 coup that did remove Aristide from office. The coup also removed from office 5,000 pro-Lavalas officials at all levels of government in every part of the country -- as well as pro-Lavalas union leaders -- who were killed, exiled, jailed, disappeared, had their homes burned out and families terrorized, and hounded out of office by the US-supported coup regime and their death squads.  
Let us examine some of the history of Mérilien's role during the pre-coup period:  
*** As head of the Haitian National Teachers Union (UNNOH), Mérilien was an outspoken critic of President Aristide, in particular from 2003 up until the Feb. 29th 2004 coup d'etat -- frequently mobilizing teachers and students in street protests demanding Aristide's removal from office. Remember that Aristide had been elected President in 2000 with over 80 per cent of the vote in a heavy-turnout election. And Aristide's policies of raising the minimum wage, expanding schools, and in many ways mobilizing the people to rebuild Haitian society -- these policies had broad popular support.  
*** But Aristide's populist, egalitarian message incurred the wrath of the Bush Administration and its allies in the "international community" who immediately began a systematic campaign to destabilize and overthrow the Aristide government. They arranged to cut off all aid to the Haitian government. U.S. operatives arranged to organize and arm bands of paramilitary mercenaries to terrorize pro-Lavalas communities from bases in the Dominican Republic. The Group 184 business elite -- outraged by the hike in the minimum wage, the promise of land reform, and the threat that they might actually be forced to pay their business taxes -- organized all manner of economic and political sabotage, including use of agents provocateurs. And Josué Mérilien had a role to play in this many-pronged campaign to destabilize and overthrow the Lavalas government, and usher in a brutal death-squad regime.  
*** The strategy of the Group 184-led opposition was to cause chaos in Haiti and make the country ungovernable - including by launching a violent campaign to close down the schools, a campaign in which Josué Mérilien was intimately involved. Read this January 19, 2004 report by the Haitian Press Agency (AHP) -- five weeks before the coup -- under the headline: "Opposition Protest Closes Schools."  
"Supporters of the opposition coalition stoned the facilities of the College Saint-Francois d'Assise and the College Gerard Gourgue on 1/19 to prevent the schools from functioning," according to the AHP report. "Several students were struck by rocks thrown by demonstrators who said they wanted to utilize all available means to prevent students from attending school until the government is ousted.  
"The violence is part of a campaign against the schools that has been launched by senior leadership of the political coalition directed by [Groupe 184]business leader Andre Apaid, Jr. Evans Paul, Secretary General of the [opposition] Democratic Unity Convention, reaffirmed on 1/18 that the [opposition] political platform is determined to bring school activities, and even hospitals to a standstill across the country. The important thing, he said, is to oust President Aristide.  
"In this context, threats of arson attacks were made against several private and parochial schools that had been open to receive students," the AHP report continued. "The entrances to the College Marie-Anne of the Sisters of St. Anne as well as the entrances of two other schools were set on fire the morning of 1/19 in the Christ Roi area by supporters of the opposition. Two schools have been set on fire in Leogane.  
"Josué Mérilien, the Secretary General of the National Union of Haitian Teachers in Training, read a list of schools on 1/19 that must close their doors or else face reprisals. The schools are the College Canado-Haitian, the College Saint-Louis de Gonzague, the College Saint Francois d'Assise, the Lycee Francais and the Union School. (Agence Haitienne de Presse, or AHP, 19 January 2004, emphasis added.)  
*** On another occasion, on December 5, 2003, as part of the campaign to destabilize and overthrow the Lavalas government, Group 184 organized a student rally at the University demanding Aristide's ouster [although many of the demonstrators were reportedly paid to be there and quite a few were not even students]. The demonstration soon escalated into violence. An AHP reporter described the scene:

"The confrontation started when [Group 184 supporters] began to throw volleys of stones on OP members [members of pro-Aristide popular organizations] demand the resignation of governmental authorities....Violent blows with sticks and stones were exchanged....That's when an OP member named Harold was shot from the roof where the [Group 184 supporters] were. Shooting continued to try to stop the police from evacuating the wounded OP member....In this confusion, one student, Carlo Jean, was shot and wounded, according to a Justice of the Peace....Members of the G184 and the Haitian trade union who were inside the university office, notably Josué Mérilien and Montes Joseph, are accused of encouraging students to commit violent acts." (Agence Haitienne de Presse, quoted in Peter Hallward, Damming the Flood. Emphasis added.) The pro-Group 184 media seized on the December 5th incident to launch frenzied calls for Aristide's ouster. Once again, Josué Mérilien was acting, together with Group 184, to provoke and destabilize the democratically elected Aristide government.
Josué Mérilien, according to the PSC-CUNY email, will be on a campus speaking tour in New York and Boston the last week of October. Undoubtedly people are unfamiliar with the treacherous role he has played in the past.  
Thank you for taking this information into consideration.
 In solidarity,
Dave Welsh

Welsh's arguments are convincing and it will be interesting to see the response from progressive labor leaders and organizations as word gets out about Merilien's past role in threatening violent reprisals against schools in Haiti in early 2004.

UN accused of hiding evidence in murder of priest in Haiti

Haitian Senator Youri Latortue
  Haiti Information Project (HIP) - The United Nations has been sitting on evidence that implicates a powerful Haitian senator in the assassination of a popular priest in 1994. The only known video testimony of an eyewitness to the brutal killing of Father Jean-Marie Vincent was recorded by a UN official in 2005 and has not seen the light of day since. HIP recently received a copy of the video in an anonymous package that included a note stating, “The UN has no interest in pursuing this case or revealing this evidence despite the statements of this eyewitness that Youri Latortue was the triggerman that shot and killed Father Jean-Marie Vincent on August 28, 1994.” The note concluded, “It is a travesty of justice that the UN has been withholding this testimony from the public. They are supposed to be impartial but Latortue has powerful friends in the US Embassy who view him as an asset since his role following the ouster of Aristide in 2004.”
In the video testimony the eyewitness is interrogated by a UN official and explains why she was falsely arrested in 2004 and shuttled from prison to prison until discovered by the same official. The witness also explains that she lived in the United States on and off for several years which is why she preferred to provide the testimony in English.
The witness tells how the Haitian police were holding her for Latortue until he could figure how to “get rid me.” When asked why she feared Latortue she responds, “Because the 28th of August 1994 I witnessed Youri Latortue murder the priest by the name of Jean-Marie Vincent.” She follows with a recounting of the incident and details of the murder. The Haiti Information Project (HIP) has released an excerpt from the video testimony where the image and voice have been digitally altered to protect the identity of the witness.
Youri Latortue is a blood relative and former security chief of the US-installed Prime Minister Gerard Latortue who took control of Haiti in 2004 following the coup that ousted President Jean-Bertrand Aristide. Elected in 2006, Senator Latortue has most recently been serving as the powerful head of the Haitian parliament's Justice and Security Commission.
According to Haitian law, Senators enjoy immunity from prosecution for crimes and are not required to testify unless the Senator himself waives his immunity, or the Senate votes to lift it. Latortue’s parliamentary immunity is due to expire with the swearing in of the next parliament following elections scheduled for November 28 in Haiti.
Many Haitians suspected that Latortue ran for office in 2006 for the expressed purpose of claiming immunity from prosecution given previous allegations made against him of human right abuses following Aristide’s ouster. A Freedom House report on Haiti released May 3, 2010 stated, “A number of lawmakers elected in 2006 have reportedly been involved in criminal activities, and they sought parliament seats primarily to obtain immunity from prosecution.”
Father Jean-Marie Vincent was fatally shot at point-blank range in front of his rectory at Montfortain in the Port au Prince neighborhood of Christ-Roi on August 28, 1994. At the time of Vincent’s assassination, then Lt. Youri Latortue was a leading member of the Anti-Gang Unit of the Haitian army. Witnesses at the time described two vehicles carrying members of the unit as those responsible for opening fire on Vincent’s vehicle.
A report released by a delegation of the Center for the Study of Human Rights in 2004 stated, "A former high-ranking police official from the USGPN (palace security), Edouard that Youri Latortue participated in the 1994 murder of catholic priest Jean-Marie Vincent (as did eyewitnesses in 1995), and that he assisted in the 1993 murder of democracy activist Antoine Izmery. From 1991 to 1993, Latortue was an officer in FADH's [Haitian army] Anti-Gang Unit, the army's most notorious unit for human rights violations."
The video testimony reportedly suppressed by the UN would represent the first time an actual eyewitness to Vincent’s assassination has stepped forward to identify Senator Youri Latortue as the man that pulled the trigger.

ADDENDUM: The UN official, who originally sent this tape anonymously, has since identified himself and the witness. Their identities are being withheld upon his request until such time as revealing them may further the interests of justice in this case.


Witness: Then, Richard (bleep) said, you know something, I'm gonna call a friend and they're gonna come and see you because from the information I've got they want to kill you.

But I saw Youri Latortue going back and forth on the staircase [at the police station]  in Petionville so that's when I clicked. I said oh my God. I'm being set up.

UN Official: So while you were in Petionville you saw Youri walking around?

Witness: not walking around going up and down the staircase from the Commissioner's down to where I was. But he didn't come towards me. When I saw him that's when things clicked. I said okay that's it...I know why I am here.

UN Official:  Now let me ask you about that. Why would Youri have something against you. Why would you wanna be....

Witness: Because the 28th of August 1994, I witnessed Youri Latortue murder the priest by the name of Jean-Marie Vincent.

UN Official: Where did you see this?

Witness:  In Christ Roi by Turgeau.

UN Official: And was this on the side of the road? A restaurant?
Witness:: No. he was getting into the place where he lives. The priest was getting into the gate.

UN Official: What? He got out of vehicle to open to the gate?

Witness:: No, they were opening the gate for him

UN Official:: Uh huh.

Witness: That's when I saw a pickup....a double white pickup with a bunch of men in black. And uh...I saw Youri. The reason why I remember Youri....I don't remember the other ones. But the reason why I remember Youri because he used to come to (beep) house. And I saw him getting out of the car and shooting at the car. But at that time I didn't know he was a priest. The man they were shooting at. I didn't know he was a priest. And I didn't know the person who was in that car.

UN Official: Right

Witness: It's when I went back to my uncle's house and I was explaining what I witnessed. Then I found out when he said "you know (unintelligible) who they shot?" I said who they shot? He said Jean-Marie Vincent. I said who is Jean-Marie Vincent. He said it's a priest.
Comments (2)

Moving beyond charity in Haiti

HIP Editorial by Kevin Pina

The largest donors in Haiti before and since the earthquake of Jan. 12 are institutions like the United States Agency for International Development (USAID), the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA) and the European Union (EU). Since the earthquake it often appears their goal is to use the disaster as a pretext to continue their failed programs to reshape Haitian society to their liking by marginalizing Haitian history and, by extension, any resistance to the project. Most bets are on this approach being a fool’s errand and it’s not of question of if but when it will unravel again. Either way it’s a win-win for these powerful institutions invested in Haiti and representing the foreign policy interests of the United States, Canada and primarily France in the EU. If they are successful then Haiti will become the new neo-liberal economic success story of the Caribbean at the expense of the poor and, if Haitians resist, they can always blame its failure on them for being disorganized and ungovernable. That’s always a compelling argument for justifying further intervention and arguably a well worn pattern and historical relationship where the “international community” and Haiti are concerned.

Haitians do need help but it’s a question of what’s reasonable and appropriate. Beyond the money and salaries (the average director of an established NGO earns $60k per year), going to help in Haiti since the earthquake has become the greatest résumé builder for the ambitious and adventurous since the Peace Corps of the 60s and 70s. Nowhere else in the world can you go to participate in some form of humanitarian relief and assistance and become an overnight expert without speaking the local language or possessing a working knowledge of your beneficiary’s history. In fact, the less you know about Haitian history the better. This suits the illusion being fostered by powerful institutions invested in Haiti that her real history only began with rebuilding efforts following the massive earthquake that struck on January 12, 2010. It doesn’t suit their brand of rebuilding to recognize that Haiti is still embroiled in a vicious political and economic battle between a small clique of wealthy elitist families and the majority of the poor that began long before the earthquake. This is especially true since the current recovery plans for Haiti’s future development is based on international partnerships that will enrich that same wealthy elite while leaving the majority of Haitians earning a meager $3.00 (125 gourdes) a day in sweatshops.

That’s why it’s no surprise that when you talk to many of the personnel of NGOs and religious organizations you get the distinct impression that Haitian history only began when THEY arrived to do THEIR important work. Never mind that by virtue of their role that the very people they want to help may perceive them as being on the wrong side and tacitly supporting of the status quo. And let’s be clear that the status quo in Haiti is an economy controlled by a predatory wealthy elite that has a long history of monopolies and are a far cry from the current efforts to recast them as the “private sector” interested in the promotion and protection of free markets. Wealthy Haitian families like the Mevs, Halhouns, Accras, Bigios, Boulos and Apaids, just to mention a few, are called the motor for economic development by Clinton & Co. but have long played a historical role in fomenting political instability when efforts at maintaining their privilege in Haiti through corruption of state institutions have failed.

That’s why it’s important that NGOs and religious organizations working in Haiti resist making themselves the subjects of rebuilding efforts to avoid the collective illusion that masks history and accountability for the mess Haiti had become BEFORE the earthquake. While it requires a greater commitment, this means moving beyond charity to making a serious assessment of Haitian history that leads to developing projects that empower the poor as the major stakeholders of the rebuilding effort and not a small wealthy elite. It means moving from charity to solidarity that requires asking some very uncomfortable questions about Haiti’s past and the role our own governments and institutions have played, and continue to play, in shaping the destiny of the Haitian people.

To be clear, that doesn’t mean there aren’t a lot of well-intentioned folks doing some fantastic things in Haiti but what we are talking about here are NGOs and religious organizations as institutions and the social systems in Haiti they impact as defined by their goals. Remember they are coming into a system of institutionalized impoverishment encased in an apartheid-like economic system wielding tremendous power by virtue of billions of dollars of private and government monies collected under the umbrella of disaster relief for Haiti. They will have a tremendous impact either way and it is a matter of doing so consciously based on a clear set of goals and criteria that empower Haitians rather than make them more dependent upon foreign largess and good intentions.  To do so must necessarily address the fundamental questions of Haitian sovereignty on the individual, community and national levels whether it be in understanding the past or participating in shaping the future.

For NGOs and religious organizations interested in moving beyond charity and making a lasting impact on the lives of the majority of the poor in Haiti here’s a simple quiz:

1. Do you think sovereignty is important to people in Haiti?
2. Does your project build independence to the extent you don’t own land and/or infrastructure and can render yourself unnecessary in the near future?
3. Do you think Haitians capable of doing what you do for them if given the same resources you have in your pockets?
4. Are you working in Haiti because you have specialized knowledge to share with Haitians?
5. Do you think your power over their lives and your relative privilege effects your relationship with the Haitians you are helping?
6. Are Haitians capable of organizing their own lives without your assistance?

Answering yes to any of these questions means you should be leaving Haiti within a short period of time satisfied in the knowledge you have empowered Haitians as one of the primary goals of your efforts. You have built lasting partnerships based on mutual trust that allows you to hand over the keys of the project to Haitians based on your respect for their individual, community and national sovereignty. Answering no to any of these questions means you probably shouldn’t be working in Haiti and will most likely be joining a long history of projects that eventually blamed Haitians for their failure.
Comments (1)

The Reality Behind Haiti's Failed Presidential Debates

Having a debate among the presidential candidates on September 18 in Haiti and streamed live over the Internet seemed like an exciting proposition. That was until only four of the nineteen candidates showed up along with a sparse audience of forty people. As the candidates provided vague answers to pre-arranged questions the electrical grid crashed twice interrupting the debate. The live signal streaming over the Internet ended suddenly after a scant twenty minutes of transmission.

A sketchy group at the University of Miami School of Communication named Koze Ayiti, an earthquake recovery organization named Konbit for Haiti, and Haiti Aid Watchdog, hosted the event. Koze Ayiti describes itself broadly as representing “a diverse group of faculty, staff, and students at the University of Miami School of Communication” without identifying its members. The Board of Directors of Konbit for Haiti reads like a who’s who of Florida real estate interests, commercial enterprises, and high-powered legal firms combined with a smattering of Haitians added for credibility. One of the main principals behind Haiti Aid Watchdog is Gary Victor “the chief editor of Le Matin” that is owned by the right-leaning wealthy Boulos clan in Haiti. Perhaps the most interesting resume associated with the ill-fated Haitian presidential debates is that of one of the partners of that was responsible for web casting the event. According to Alsop Louie Partners website, the owners of : “Gilman Louie is a Partner. He is the founder and former CEO of In-Q-Tel, a strategic venture fund created to help enhance national security by connecting the Central Intelligence Agency and U.S. intelligence community with venture-backed entrepreneurial companies.”

Beyond the forces responsible for the debate debacle is the real question of interest among the Haitian electorate in the upcoming elections scheduled for Nov. 28. What is clear is that most Haitians do not consider themselves stakeholders in the exercise that is being funded by the international community to the tune of more than $29 million. Ansel Herz, an independent journalist based in Port au Prince summed it up, “I have to say that most people are not interested whatsoever in the upcoming elections. The greatest concentration of the electorate are from the capital and they are living under severe conditions in makeshift camps.” Which raises the question of how you can expect to run free, fair and inclusive elections with more than 1.5 million people left homeless following the earthquake of Jan. 12, 2010? How do you insure the integrity of electoral rolls and balloting against a backdrop of undue influence by an army of foreign non-governmental organizations who are more clearly defined as stakeholders in their success than Haitians themselves? Add to that the exclusion of Fanmi Lavalas, Haiti’s largest and most popular political party that will most likely call for a boycott, and you have a recipe for a man-made political disaster compounding the natural one.

Unfortunately, the hosts and sponsors of Haiti’s most recent failed debates don’t seemed concerned with questions of the substance of democracy and instead opted for the spectacle and illusion of democracy. Still, expect them or others like them to try it again amid a rising din of hyperbole for democratic principals designed to cover up the dismal socio-political reality in Haiti as Nov. 28 approaches.

Role of the US military in Haiti after Quake

This is a video shot by Andre Liohn of the brutal beating of an unarmed man by the Haitian police who is not resisting arrest. US soldiers and UN police were present and did nothing to stop it. It is symbolic of how security concerns were prioritized over humanitarian concerns by the US military and the United Nations following the earthquake that struck Haiti on January 12, 2010. As Liohn said to me in an interview, "People were desperate. They had no food, no water...nothing. So they had no choice really but to break into stores to find anything to survive. The US soldiers and the UN did nothing to protect them when the Haitian police killed and brutalized them for trying to survive."

The video of this incident is unedited save for slowing down the first part to allow for a short commentary by Sean Penn extolling the virtues of the US military during the earthquake. This re-edit (with Liohn's kind permission) is dedicated to the memory of the victims of July 6, 2005 in Cite Soleil, who fell prey to a United Nations mission that has acted as very little else than a proxy for US foreign policy interests in Haiti. The UN like the US military, also places security and stability as a priority over due process, social justice and human rights.

The following is Liohn's commentary of the event in this video:

"This video shows how the strongest army in the world, the same one, that uninvited entered Haiti to "delivery humanitarian help", was not able, to defend the Haitian people in moments they needed most."

Following Mr. Liohn's release of this video, Kevin Pina interviewed him on Flashpoints on Pacifica Radio.

During this interview, Liohn spoke of how humanitarian relief efforts were slowed and undermined by the US military in the first few critical weeks after they took control of the Toussaint Loverture airport. Liohn stated, "The landing of the thousands of US troops with everything they needed to house and feed them...and their large vehicles...took priority over the humanitarian concerns."

We may never know how many thousands died needlessly after the decision of the Obama administration to militarize relief efforts in Haiti and place security concerns above humanitarian assistance. What we do know is that the first few days and weeks were critical to those buried under rubble as civilian relief cargo planes, that included mobile hospitals and search and rescue teams, were turned away to allow the US military to fully deploy.

Listen to this interview with Andre Liohn on Flashpoints on Pacifica Radio.


Holding Private Charities Accountable in Haiti

Haiti became a fund-raising boon for many large private charities such as the Red Cross, CARE, Catholic Relief Services and the Clinton Foundation following the earthquake that struck on January 12, 2010.

Last May, CBS news released a figure for donations, received on behalf of Haiti earthquake victims by private charities, at $4 billion dollars and rising. That was last May and the $4 billion dollar figure did not include money raised by hundreds of smaller organizations and churches for existing projects, or to create new projects, under the umbrella of earthquake relief in Haiti.

Ben Smilowitz of the Disaster Accountability Project states that one of the major problems with accountability for donations is that the largest charities are self-monitoring and no real independent oversight exists.  Emilie Parry,  a consultant with Refugees International, points to a disconnect between the large sums of money raised for earthquake relief in Haiti and tangible improvements on the ground for the survivors.

In this program, Flashpoints on Pacifica Radio with Kevin Pina discusses the more than $4 billion dollars raised by private charities for disaster relief in Haiti. Are they accountable for the money they raise to help victims of the January 12, 2010 earthquake that struck Haiti? Whose keeping track and how? Are there tangible signs that anywhere near $4 billion has actually been spent by private charities in Haiti?

ADDENDUM: The figure of $4 billion dollars raised by private charities for earthquake relief in Haiti was confirmed by Sharyl Attkisson the Investigative Correspondent with the CBS Evening News. Last May Attkisson did a special report on aid to Haiti. In an email response to HIP Attkisson wrote:

I looked at the report you referenced, and it totaled not just private charity donations, but ALL donations to Haiti: both government and private. The sentence you’re referring to is: “most of the $14.9 billion dollars that’s been donated will be used on long term projects to rebuild Haiti.”
As the graphic in the story indicated, here’s how the total breaks down:

Government: $10.9 billion government  
Charity: $4 billion charity
Total: $14.9 billion

So $4 billion of the total $14.9 was charitable non-government donations. The rest are donations from official governments including the US.

In contrast to the story you saw, which focused largely on the charitable donations, the first part of the report we did on Haiti focused on the government part of the total. In it, we discussed the “$4 billion dollars raised by non-government groups and charities,” (UN ReliefWeb) which is the number you are probably looking for. We also detailed: “The US government has given more than a billion dollars ($1.019 billion, USAID April 9) and has pledged another billion plus ($1.15 billion). Other countries and world bodies have pledged $8.75 billion over two years.” With the $4 billion raised by non-govt groups and charities, “That's $14.9 billion dollars and counting.”)

Sharyl Attkisson
Investigative Correspondent
"Follow the Money"
CBS Evening News

This radio segment discussing accountability of private charitable organizations in Haiti on Flashpoints on Pacifica Radio with Kevin Pina originally aired September 15, 2010.

GUESTS: Emilie Parry, a consultant with Refugees International who just returned from Haiti after taking an assessment of disaster relief in Haiti - Haiti: Emergency Paralysis

Ben Smilowitz, coordinator of the Disaster Accountability Project -
Report On Transparency of Relief Organizations Responding to the 2010 Haiti Earthquake


See Older Posts...